the contact and or it is during breastfeeding. So even though without any intervention about 15 to

40 babies out of 100 turn out HIV positive in the end so it's not automatic and with an intervention

the rate can be significantly reduced as you see down here. So many pregnant

women are of course very interested to have a healthy baby and therefore they

are very receptive for any health messages and are eager to comply with

those medical protocols. However the treatment protocol is quite complex and

it requires a vast number of decisions to be made on daily basis like taking

the medication, saving money for transport, that's a big deal and so to

to come to the hospital regularly for the check-ups, then also perhaps taking

days of work for those visits and then deciding where to give birth like one

third of the children are born at home but that's not advisable for HIV

positive women or also on the child feeding practice there's quite a bit of

adjustment and that's tricky. And of course there is stigma surrounding HIV

and all these decisions may show to others that someone is HIV positive so

while adhering to those medical protocols people may be afraid others

would find out they're a positive. So moreover I know from experience that

when you're pregnant or you have a small child almost everybody will give you

tips and tricks that are not medically approved and especially elderly

women will not shy away from telling you what to do and what not to do for the

sake of the baby and they may even take the baby without your permission or

feed it things that are not suitable for the baby and so on. So it seems to be

like a cultural constant that there are conflicts between elders especially

elderly women and young mothers and that's exactly what I'm talking about

today. So I had set out to study how young pregnant women integrate those

complex HIV programs to prevent such mother-to-child transmission of the

virus in their lives and this is the study design. I spent a number of weeks

just observing and participating in the practices of antenatal care and HIV

counseling in the hospital on this end and to talk and interview health care

providers that's the nurses and the counselors basically and on the other

hand I found 30 pregnant women who also tested HIV positive in antenatal care

and who allowed me to accompany them in their medical appointments during

delivery and to home visits. So I met their relatives for interviews, I also

took part in like everyday life with them and so what the household is like.

So during my research on antenatal care of HIV positive women in Los Oto I noted

that this medical program was not the most complicated part on their

side. The most complicated part was rather to deal with those conflicting

demands that come out of these advices families give at home and those medical

advices and those women try to marry those kind of advices but it's

quite a tricky thing and it's a matter of constant negotiation on a daily basis.

So those women actually try not to lose any kind of support from either the

medical field or the family and that is sort of the hard thing how the health

care consumer actually makes sense of all these advices. So my presentation is

followed it's organized as follows. I will as we anthropologists usually do

draw you into a case the case of a lady I call Maro Bedi. Secondly I introduce her

to my theoretical framework and here I draw on conflict studies basically and

then I have five types of conflict avoidance that I figured out and I present

briefly and I'll give you my conclusions. So here you see one of the antenatal

care units in one of the smaller health care units and the pregnant women's

wait for their health checks their pregnancy tests and meanwhile

counselors give talks in that forum where all these women wait like those